Aging and Trauma: Post Traumatic Stress Disorder Among Korean War Veterans

Skinner and Kaplick conducted a historical review of case descriptions of trauma-related conditions from World War I through the Vietnam War and noted the consistent inclusion of hyperarousal and intrusive symptoms, although there also was a greater emphasis on somatic conversion or hysteria symptoms in the earlier descriptions.³⁰ By the Korean War, descriptions of combat fatigue included a number of symptoms that overlap with PTSD, including preoccupation with the traumatic stressor, nightmares, irritability/anger, increased startle, and hyperarousal.³¹ But following the acute phases, attention to any chronic problems associated with these conditions waned. As was acknowledged by a military psychiatrist in a 1954 talk, studies of the long-term adjustment of those who had “broken down in combat” were sorely needed.⁶ In a small 1965 study reported by Archibald and Tuddenham, persistent symptoms of combat fatigue among Korean War veterans were definitely present, and there was even a suggestion that the symptoms had increased over the decade since the war.³²

Given the stoicism that typified cultural expectations for military men during this period, Korean War veterans may also have been reluctant to seek mental health treatment either at the time or later. In short, it is likely that a nontrivial proportion of Korean War veterans with PTSD were underdiagnosed and received suboptimal or no mental health treatment for decades following their war experiences.³³ Although the nature of the war, deployment, and public support were distinct in World War II vs the Korean War, the absence of attention to the long-term effects of disorders related to combat trauma and the cultural expectations for stoicism suggest that PTSD among aging World War II veterans may also have gone underrecognized and undertreated.

Apart from the lack of interest in chronic effects of stressors, another problem that has plagued the limited empirical research on Korean War veterans has been the propensity to combine Korean War with World War II veteran samples in studies. Because World War II veterans have outnumbered Korean War veterans until recently, combined samples tended to have relatively few Korean War veterans. Nevertheless, from those studies that have been reported in which 2 groups were compared, important differences have been revealed. Specifically, although precise estimates of the prevalence of PTSD among Korean War combat veterans have varied depending on sampling and method, studies from the 1990s and early 2000s suggested that the prevalence of PTSD and other mental health concerns as well as the severity of symptoms, suicide risk, and psychosocial adjustment difficulties were worse among Korean War combat veterans relative to those among World War II combat veterans; however, both groups had lower prevalence than did Vietnam War combat veterans.^21,34-37 Several authors speculated that these differences in outcome were at least partially due to differences in public support for the respective wars.^36,37

Although there has been a paucity of research on psychiatric issues and PTSD in Korean War veterans, POWs who were very likely to have been exposed to extreme psychological traumas have received some attention. There have been comparisons of mortality and morbidity among POWs from the Korean War (PWK), World War II Pacific Theater (PWJ), and Europe (PWE).³⁸ Among measures that were administered to the former POWs, the overall pattern seen from survey data in the mid-1960s revealed significantly worse health and functioning among the PWK and PWJ groups relative to the PWE group, with psychiatric difficulties being the most commonly reported impairments among the former 2 groups. This pattern was found most strongly with regards to objective measures, such as hospitalizations for “psychoneuroses,” and US Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) disability records, as well as based on self-reported psychosocial/recreational difficulties measured using the Cornell Medical Index (CMI).³⁸

Gold and colleagues reported a follow-up study of more than 700 former POWs who were reinterviewed between 1989 and 1992.³⁹ Although there was no scale of PTSD symptoms prior to formulation of the diagnosis in 1980, the CMI was a self-reported checklist that included a large range of both medical as well as behavioral and psychiatric symptoms. Thus, using CMI survey responses from 1965, the authors examined the factor structure (ie, the correlational relationships between multiple scale items and subgroupings of items) of the CMI relative to diagnosis of PTSD in 1989 to 1992 based on results from the Structured Clinical Interview for the DSM-III-R (SCID). The intent was to help discern whether the component domains of PTSD were present and intercorrelated in a pattern similar to that of the contemporary diagnosis. The investigators examined the factor structure of 20 psychological items from the CMI that appeared relevant to PTSD criteria using the 1965 data. Three factors (subgroups of highly intercorrelated items) were found: irritability (31% of variance), fearfulness/anxiousness (9% of the variance), and social withdrawal (7% of the variance). Although these did not directly correspond to, or fully cover, DSM PTSD domains or criteria, there does appear to be a thematic resemblance of the CMI findings with PTSD, including alterations in arousal and mood, vigilance, and startle.