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In my previous article, “Mental Health Characteristics of Refugee Children,” we learned that in recent decades, refugeeism has become a growing problem that disproportionately affects children. Refugee children and their families experience a variety of traumas, often sustained across years and even decades, because of armed conflict, persecution, social upheavals, or environmental disasters. Refugees are at greater risks for PTSD and affective and psychotic disorders presumably due to increased traumatic life events before, during, and after migration. I used my own experience as a child refugee from Vietnam to elucidate the stressors evident in various phases of forced displacement.1
Risk Factors and Protective Factors
To a certain extent, the experiences of refugees are universal. All refugees experience some sort of humanitarian crisis that forces an emergent escape from their home across international borders to a new resettlement area. It is important to note that internally displaced people do not meet the United Nations’ (UN) official designation of refugee status; however, some agencies use a broader definition where they are designated as such.2,3 We will refer to those not meeting the UN criteria as displaced people, while refugees are those that do meet the UN criteria. Dr. Mina Fazel’s 2012 systematic review in The Lancet of mental health risk factors and protective factors for displaced and refugee children is the most comprehensive of its kind.4 It will be summarized in this section with some relevant personal reflection.
In terms of risk factors, external displacement likely results in additional stress and trauma, presumably from the lack of assess to one’s culture and the host country’s language. Understandably, this makes rebuilding of one’s life more difficult. Several studies show that displaced/refugee children experience more difficulty with psychosocial adaptation than non-displaced children. Violence, directly experienced or indirectly feared, both to the child and their parents, was the strongest predictor of mental health problems and withdrawn behavior. Children who were separated from their parents clearly fared worst in their mental health than those who did not, which is not surprising given the nature of their dependence on caregivers for protection and guidance. During resettlement, experienced or perceived discrimination from the host country was also a risk factor, as well as instability in housing and a drawn-out resettlement process. Female sex was a risk factor mainly for emotional problems. Poor financial support post-migration is associated with depression, but it is unclear whether pre-migration financial status was protective. From my own experience, it is likely not, given that once one becomes a refugee one does not have access to one’s wealth, except that which could be hidden on one’s body. Another risk factor was also if one’s parent had psychiatric problems or was single. Due to the migration, my mother was separated permanently from her husband, which caused her extraordinary isolation and loneliness, something that was palpably felt by myself as I grew up.
In terms of protective factors, family cohesion and cultural continuity appear critical. For myself, not only would I not have survived without my mother and aunt, but they constantly protected me from the harsh realities. My mother would distract me with seemingly trivial goals once we got to America, like finally tasting a hamburger, or talking about school and being reunited with my uncle. This is in line with another finding — that children have better mental health outcomes when their parents do not talk about their hardships. Once my family was resettled with my uncle and his family, they played a critical role in smoothing our transition, not only by providing us with housing, but also cultural knowledge. Cultural havens can restore some of the social position and way of life that refugees lose when they are able to reconnect with a society that recognizes their previous achievements and status. Finally, religion also seemed to be a protective factor.
Mental Health Interventions
In 2018, Dr. Fazel identified mental health interventions for refugee children in a narrative review.5 She acknowledged that these conclusions are limited by the paucity of preventive mental health research in children in general, as well as the mobile nature and complex cultural differences of refugee children. This is exacerbated by the small evidence base. Given that, she makes these recommendations for varying levels of interventions: individual, group, family, living circumstances, social interactions, and school.
On an individual level, effective interventions developed to address PTSD include narrative exposure therapy, trauma-focused cognitive behavior therapy, and eye-movement and desensitization therapy. Group-based interventions for trauma, for example school-based PTSD intervention programs in conflicted areas, have either been shown to not be effective, or only effective for reducing depression. The mental health of unaccompanied children separated from family fare better when placed in foster care, rather than other types of social support. This is further enhanced if the foster family is the same ethnicity.
On a family level, improvements in parenting style and parental mental health, family engagement with local culture and structures, and family-based mental health interventions all positively impact refugee children. Not surprisingly, refugee parents have a greater prevalence of mental health conditions. Several studies on refugeeism point out a greater occurrence of intimate partner violence (that negatively affects children) as well has harsher discipline and maltreatment of refugee children. Thus, mental health treatment for parents also directly improves the well-being of their children. Teaching parenting skills to mitigate the violent effect of their PTSD symptoms, as well as parenting classes that teach gentler styles, have been shown to reduce harsh parenting and mitigate aggressive behaviors in these children. These improvements are enhanced when these classes are taught by other refugees themselves.
School is key for helping refugee children since it is a site where they can access language proficiency, successful acculturation, and medical and mental health services. Several studies have identified the positive effects of better parental engagement with school, resulting in improved academic performance and reduced levels of depressive and PTSD symptoms. A review of learning problems in refugee children identified several factors for success. These include high academic and life ambition, parental involvement in education, accurate educational assessment and grade placement, teacher understanding of linguistic and cultural heritage, culturally appropriate school transition, supportive peer relationships, and successful acculturation. School certainly was key for my acculturation and language proficiency. When I arrived at 6 years old I was selectively mute for my year in first grade, namely because I did not know how to speak English and because I did not share the culture. However, my teacher correctly identified my deficiency and chose to place me in kindergarten, which allowed me the time to gain English proficiency. Though I was always the oldest one in class, that remediation was key in allowing eventual success in school leading up to my admission to UC Berkeley.
Summary
In recent decades, refugeeism has become a growing problem that disproportionately affects children leading to traumas sustained across years and even decades, and greater risks for PTSD, as well as affective and psychotic disorders. Risk factors include the experience of violence, the separation from family, female gender, discrimination in the host country, unstable housing, and a drawn-out resettlement process. Protective factors consist of family cohesion, cultural continuity, support at schools, being protected from the truth of their harsh reality, stable housing, language acquisition, and quick resettlement. From these factors, effective mental interventions have been found to be the promotion of these protective factors as well as support for parental mental health and parenting skills, better parental engagement at school, and schools that correctly identify and address these children’s educational needs.
Dr. Nguyen is a second-year resident at UCSF Fresno Psychiatry Residency. He was a public high school English teacher for 15 years previously.*
References
1. Nguyen D. Mental Health Characteristics of Refugee Children. Pediatric News. 2023 Nov. 14. https://www.mdedge.com/pediatrics/article/266518/mental-health/mental-health-characteristics-refugee-children.
2. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. The Refugee Concept Under International Law. Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration. 2018 March 8. https://www.unhcr.org/sites/default/files/legacy-pdf/5aa290937.pdf.
3. Winer JP. Mental Health Practice with Immigrant and Refugee Youth [Power Point Slides]. Michigan Medicine. 2021 June 24. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ICkg4132SQY
4. Fazel M et al. Mental Health of Displaced and Refugee Children Resettled in High-Income Countries: Risk and Protective Factors. Lancet. 2012 Jan 21;379(9812):266-282. doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(11)60051-2.
5. Fazel M, Betancourt TS. Preventive Mental Health Interventions for Refugee Children and Adolescents in High-Income Settings. Lancet Child Adolesc Health. 2018 Feb;2(2):121-132. doi: 10.1016/S2352-4642(17)30147-5.
*Correction, 2/27: An earlier version of this article misstated Dr. Nguyen's affiliation.
In my previous article, “Mental Health Characteristics of Refugee Children,” we learned that in recent decades, refugeeism has become a growing problem that disproportionately affects children. Refugee children and their families experience a variety of traumas, often sustained across years and even decades, because of armed conflict, persecution, social upheavals, or environmental disasters. Refugees are at greater risks for PTSD and affective and psychotic disorders presumably due to increased traumatic life events before, during, and after migration. I used my own experience as a child refugee from Vietnam to elucidate the stressors evident in various phases of forced displacement.1
Risk Factors and Protective Factors
To a certain extent, the experiences of refugees are universal. All refugees experience some sort of humanitarian crisis that forces an emergent escape from their home across international borders to a new resettlement area. It is important to note that internally displaced people do not meet the United Nations’ (UN) official designation of refugee status; however, some agencies use a broader definition where they are designated as such.2,3 We will refer to those not meeting the UN criteria as displaced people, while refugees are those that do meet the UN criteria. Dr. Mina Fazel’s 2012 systematic review in The Lancet of mental health risk factors and protective factors for displaced and refugee children is the most comprehensive of its kind.4 It will be summarized in this section with some relevant personal reflection.
In terms of risk factors, external displacement likely results in additional stress and trauma, presumably from the lack of assess to one’s culture and the host country’s language. Understandably, this makes rebuilding of one’s life more difficult. Several studies show that displaced/refugee children experience more difficulty with psychosocial adaptation than non-displaced children. Violence, directly experienced or indirectly feared, both to the child and their parents, was the strongest predictor of mental health problems and withdrawn behavior. Children who were separated from their parents clearly fared worst in their mental health than those who did not, which is not surprising given the nature of their dependence on caregivers for protection and guidance. During resettlement, experienced or perceived discrimination from the host country was also a risk factor, as well as instability in housing and a drawn-out resettlement process. Female sex was a risk factor mainly for emotional problems. Poor financial support post-migration is associated with depression, but it is unclear whether pre-migration financial status was protective. From my own experience, it is likely not, given that once one becomes a refugee one does not have access to one’s wealth, except that which could be hidden on one’s body. Another risk factor was also if one’s parent had psychiatric problems or was single. Due to the migration, my mother was separated permanently from her husband, which caused her extraordinary isolation and loneliness, something that was palpably felt by myself as I grew up.
In terms of protective factors, family cohesion and cultural continuity appear critical. For myself, not only would I not have survived without my mother and aunt, but they constantly protected me from the harsh realities. My mother would distract me with seemingly trivial goals once we got to America, like finally tasting a hamburger, or talking about school and being reunited with my uncle. This is in line with another finding — that children have better mental health outcomes when their parents do not talk about their hardships. Once my family was resettled with my uncle and his family, they played a critical role in smoothing our transition, not only by providing us with housing, but also cultural knowledge. Cultural havens can restore some of the social position and way of life that refugees lose when they are able to reconnect with a society that recognizes their previous achievements and status. Finally, religion also seemed to be a protective factor.
Mental Health Interventions
In 2018, Dr. Fazel identified mental health interventions for refugee children in a narrative review.5 She acknowledged that these conclusions are limited by the paucity of preventive mental health research in children in general, as well as the mobile nature and complex cultural differences of refugee children. This is exacerbated by the small evidence base. Given that, she makes these recommendations for varying levels of interventions: individual, group, family, living circumstances, social interactions, and school.
On an individual level, effective interventions developed to address PTSD include narrative exposure therapy, trauma-focused cognitive behavior therapy, and eye-movement and desensitization therapy. Group-based interventions for trauma, for example school-based PTSD intervention programs in conflicted areas, have either been shown to not be effective, or only effective for reducing depression. The mental health of unaccompanied children separated from family fare better when placed in foster care, rather than other types of social support. This is further enhanced if the foster family is the same ethnicity.
On a family level, improvements in parenting style and parental mental health, family engagement with local culture and structures, and family-based mental health interventions all positively impact refugee children. Not surprisingly, refugee parents have a greater prevalence of mental health conditions. Several studies on refugeeism point out a greater occurrence of intimate partner violence (that negatively affects children) as well has harsher discipline and maltreatment of refugee children. Thus, mental health treatment for parents also directly improves the well-being of their children. Teaching parenting skills to mitigate the violent effect of their PTSD symptoms, as well as parenting classes that teach gentler styles, have been shown to reduce harsh parenting and mitigate aggressive behaviors in these children. These improvements are enhanced when these classes are taught by other refugees themselves.
School is key for helping refugee children since it is a site where they can access language proficiency, successful acculturation, and medical and mental health services. Several studies have identified the positive effects of better parental engagement with school, resulting in improved academic performance and reduced levels of depressive and PTSD symptoms. A review of learning problems in refugee children identified several factors for success. These include high academic and life ambition, parental involvement in education, accurate educational assessment and grade placement, teacher understanding of linguistic and cultural heritage, culturally appropriate school transition, supportive peer relationships, and successful acculturation. School certainly was key for my acculturation and language proficiency. When I arrived at 6 years old I was selectively mute for my year in first grade, namely because I did not know how to speak English and because I did not share the culture. However, my teacher correctly identified my deficiency and chose to place me in kindergarten, which allowed me the time to gain English proficiency. Though I was always the oldest one in class, that remediation was key in allowing eventual success in school leading up to my admission to UC Berkeley.
Summary
In recent decades, refugeeism has become a growing problem that disproportionately affects children leading to traumas sustained across years and even decades, and greater risks for PTSD, as well as affective and psychotic disorders. Risk factors include the experience of violence, the separation from family, female gender, discrimination in the host country, unstable housing, and a drawn-out resettlement process. Protective factors consist of family cohesion, cultural continuity, support at schools, being protected from the truth of their harsh reality, stable housing, language acquisition, and quick resettlement. From these factors, effective mental interventions have been found to be the promotion of these protective factors as well as support for parental mental health and parenting skills, better parental engagement at school, and schools that correctly identify and address these children’s educational needs.
Dr. Nguyen is a second-year resident at UCSF Fresno Psychiatry Residency. He was a public high school English teacher for 15 years previously.*
References
1. Nguyen D. Mental Health Characteristics of Refugee Children. Pediatric News. 2023 Nov. 14. https://www.mdedge.com/pediatrics/article/266518/mental-health/mental-health-characteristics-refugee-children.
2. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. The Refugee Concept Under International Law. Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration. 2018 March 8. https://www.unhcr.org/sites/default/files/legacy-pdf/5aa290937.pdf.
3. Winer JP. Mental Health Practice with Immigrant and Refugee Youth [Power Point Slides]. Michigan Medicine. 2021 June 24. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ICkg4132SQY
4. Fazel M et al. Mental Health of Displaced and Refugee Children Resettled in High-Income Countries: Risk and Protective Factors. Lancet. 2012 Jan 21;379(9812):266-282. doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(11)60051-2.
5. Fazel M, Betancourt TS. Preventive Mental Health Interventions for Refugee Children and Adolescents in High-Income Settings. Lancet Child Adolesc Health. 2018 Feb;2(2):121-132. doi: 10.1016/S2352-4642(17)30147-5.
*Correction, 2/27: An earlier version of this article misstated Dr. Nguyen's affiliation.
In my previous article, “Mental Health Characteristics of Refugee Children,” we learned that in recent decades, refugeeism has become a growing problem that disproportionately affects children. Refugee children and their families experience a variety of traumas, often sustained across years and even decades, because of armed conflict, persecution, social upheavals, or environmental disasters. Refugees are at greater risks for PTSD and affective and psychotic disorders presumably due to increased traumatic life events before, during, and after migration. I used my own experience as a child refugee from Vietnam to elucidate the stressors evident in various phases of forced displacement.1
Risk Factors and Protective Factors
To a certain extent, the experiences of refugees are universal. All refugees experience some sort of humanitarian crisis that forces an emergent escape from their home across international borders to a new resettlement area. It is important to note that internally displaced people do not meet the United Nations’ (UN) official designation of refugee status; however, some agencies use a broader definition where they are designated as such.2,3 We will refer to those not meeting the UN criteria as displaced people, while refugees are those that do meet the UN criteria. Dr. Mina Fazel’s 2012 systematic review in The Lancet of mental health risk factors and protective factors for displaced and refugee children is the most comprehensive of its kind.4 It will be summarized in this section with some relevant personal reflection.
In terms of risk factors, external displacement likely results in additional stress and trauma, presumably from the lack of assess to one’s culture and the host country’s language. Understandably, this makes rebuilding of one’s life more difficult. Several studies show that displaced/refugee children experience more difficulty with psychosocial adaptation than non-displaced children. Violence, directly experienced or indirectly feared, both to the child and their parents, was the strongest predictor of mental health problems and withdrawn behavior. Children who were separated from their parents clearly fared worst in their mental health than those who did not, which is not surprising given the nature of their dependence on caregivers for protection and guidance. During resettlement, experienced or perceived discrimination from the host country was also a risk factor, as well as instability in housing and a drawn-out resettlement process. Female sex was a risk factor mainly for emotional problems. Poor financial support post-migration is associated with depression, but it is unclear whether pre-migration financial status was protective. From my own experience, it is likely not, given that once one becomes a refugee one does not have access to one’s wealth, except that which could be hidden on one’s body. Another risk factor was also if one’s parent had psychiatric problems or was single. Due to the migration, my mother was separated permanently from her husband, which caused her extraordinary isolation and loneliness, something that was palpably felt by myself as I grew up.
In terms of protective factors, family cohesion and cultural continuity appear critical. For myself, not only would I not have survived without my mother and aunt, but they constantly protected me from the harsh realities. My mother would distract me with seemingly trivial goals once we got to America, like finally tasting a hamburger, or talking about school and being reunited with my uncle. This is in line with another finding — that children have better mental health outcomes when their parents do not talk about their hardships. Once my family was resettled with my uncle and his family, they played a critical role in smoothing our transition, not only by providing us with housing, but also cultural knowledge. Cultural havens can restore some of the social position and way of life that refugees lose when they are able to reconnect with a society that recognizes their previous achievements and status. Finally, religion also seemed to be a protective factor.
Mental Health Interventions
In 2018, Dr. Fazel identified mental health interventions for refugee children in a narrative review.5 She acknowledged that these conclusions are limited by the paucity of preventive mental health research in children in general, as well as the mobile nature and complex cultural differences of refugee children. This is exacerbated by the small evidence base. Given that, she makes these recommendations for varying levels of interventions: individual, group, family, living circumstances, social interactions, and school.
On an individual level, effective interventions developed to address PTSD include narrative exposure therapy, trauma-focused cognitive behavior therapy, and eye-movement and desensitization therapy. Group-based interventions for trauma, for example school-based PTSD intervention programs in conflicted areas, have either been shown to not be effective, or only effective for reducing depression. The mental health of unaccompanied children separated from family fare better when placed in foster care, rather than other types of social support. This is further enhanced if the foster family is the same ethnicity.
On a family level, improvements in parenting style and parental mental health, family engagement with local culture and structures, and family-based mental health interventions all positively impact refugee children. Not surprisingly, refugee parents have a greater prevalence of mental health conditions. Several studies on refugeeism point out a greater occurrence of intimate partner violence (that negatively affects children) as well has harsher discipline and maltreatment of refugee children. Thus, mental health treatment for parents also directly improves the well-being of their children. Teaching parenting skills to mitigate the violent effect of their PTSD symptoms, as well as parenting classes that teach gentler styles, have been shown to reduce harsh parenting and mitigate aggressive behaviors in these children. These improvements are enhanced when these classes are taught by other refugees themselves.
School is key for helping refugee children since it is a site where they can access language proficiency, successful acculturation, and medical and mental health services. Several studies have identified the positive effects of better parental engagement with school, resulting in improved academic performance and reduced levels of depressive and PTSD symptoms. A review of learning problems in refugee children identified several factors for success. These include high academic and life ambition, parental involvement in education, accurate educational assessment and grade placement, teacher understanding of linguistic and cultural heritage, culturally appropriate school transition, supportive peer relationships, and successful acculturation. School certainly was key for my acculturation and language proficiency. When I arrived at 6 years old I was selectively mute for my year in first grade, namely because I did not know how to speak English and because I did not share the culture. However, my teacher correctly identified my deficiency and chose to place me in kindergarten, which allowed me the time to gain English proficiency. Though I was always the oldest one in class, that remediation was key in allowing eventual success in school leading up to my admission to UC Berkeley.
Summary
In recent decades, refugeeism has become a growing problem that disproportionately affects children leading to traumas sustained across years and even decades, and greater risks for PTSD, as well as affective and psychotic disorders. Risk factors include the experience of violence, the separation from family, female gender, discrimination in the host country, unstable housing, and a drawn-out resettlement process. Protective factors consist of family cohesion, cultural continuity, support at schools, being protected from the truth of their harsh reality, stable housing, language acquisition, and quick resettlement. From these factors, effective mental interventions have been found to be the promotion of these protective factors as well as support for parental mental health and parenting skills, better parental engagement at school, and schools that correctly identify and address these children’s educational needs.
Dr. Nguyen is a second-year resident at UCSF Fresno Psychiatry Residency. He was a public high school English teacher for 15 years previously.*
References
1. Nguyen D. Mental Health Characteristics of Refugee Children. Pediatric News. 2023 Nov. 14. https://www.mdedge.com/pediatrics/article/266518/mental-health/mental-health-characteristics-refugee-children.
2. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. The Refugee Concept Under International Law. Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration. 2018 March 8. https://www.unhcr.org/sites/default/files/legacy-pdf/5aa290937.pdf.
3. Winer JP. Mental Health Practice with Immigrant and Refugee Youth [Power Point Slides]. Michigan Medicine. 2021 June 24. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ICkg4132SQY
4. Fazel M et al. Mental Health of Displaced and Refugee Children Resettled in High-Income Countries: Risk and Protective Factors. Lancet. 2012 Jan 21;379(9812):266-282. doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(11)60051-2.
5. Fazel M, Betancourt TS. Preventive Mental Health Interventions for Refugee Children and Adolescents in High-Income Settings. Lancet Child Adolesc Health. 2018 Feb;2(2):121-132. doi: 10.1016/S2352-4642(17)30147-5.
*Correction, 2/27: An earlier version of this article misstated Dr. Nguyen's affiliation.