How DSM is changing. Comparing the disorders listed in DSM-IV (1994)6 versus DSM-II (1968)1 suggests that psychiatry has become enamored of the naming process. For example, DSM-II lists anxiety neurosis (300.0), phobic neurosis (300.2), and obsessive-compulsive neurosis (300.3), whereas DSM-IV lists 11 different categories of anxiety disorders.
But beyond naming, subsequent DSMs have differed even more dramatically from DSM-II. We have seen a shift from describing a diagnostic category with a simple explanatory paragraph to lists of specific inclusion and exclusion criteria. These more-specific lists imply that they define categories closer to some reality or authenticity than did previous definitions.
Before DSM-III, the borderline concept was conceived in broad object relational and psychodynamic terms. In contrast, DSM-III produced a definitive set of criteria and required that a subset be met before the diagnosis could be made.7 An example of this criteria-based model is shown in Box 1, which lists the DSM-IV-TR criteria for BPD.
Some psychiatrists objected that BPD was solely a psychoanalytic construct and too theoretical for inclusion in DSM-III. Others argued that if BPD were not defined, it would be difficult to study the clinical usefulness of that definition or any other. Nonetheless, many have argued that BPD does not exist, though to what category BPD patients should belong has changed over the years:
- Is BPD nothing more than a milder or unusual presentation of an affective disorder8 or actually bipolar II disorder?9
- Is it a presentation of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) called “complex PTSD,”10-11 or an adult presentation of attention-deficit/ hyperactivity or other brain disorder?12
- Is it a stigmatizing diagnosis that we apply to patients whom we do not like?13
In truth, the diagnosis of BPD reflects a particular clinical presentation no more or less accurately than many of the well-accepted axis I disorders. Despite recent advances in the neurosciences, the dilemma we face as psychiatrists is that we make a diagnosis based upon what we see in the clinical setting (i.e., a phenotype). Yet in labeling what we believe is a specific psychiatric disorder, we make assumptions—for better or for worse, consciously or unconsciously—about pathophysiology and indirectly about genotype.
A pervasive pattern of instability of interpersonal relationships, self-image, and affects and marked impulsivity beginning by early adulthood and present in a variety of contexts, as indicated by five (or more) of the following:
- Frantic efforts to avoid real or imagined abandonment
- A pattern of unstable and intense interpersonal relationships characterized by alternating between extremes of idealization and devaluation
- Identity disturbance: markedly and persistent unstable self-image or sense of self
- Impulsivity in at least two areas that are potentially self-damaging (spending, sex, substance abuse, binge eating, reckless driving)
- Recurrent suicidal behavior, gestures, or threats; self-mutilating behavior
- Affective instability due to a marked reactivity of mood
- Chronic feelings of emptiness
- Inappropriate, intense anger or difficulty controlling anger
- Transient, stress-related paranoid ideation or severe dissociative symptoms
Source: DSM-IV6
Defining the borderline personality
Stern first used the term “borderline” in 1938 to describe patients who appeared to occupy the border between neurosis and psychosis.14 In 1942, Deutsch described the “as if” personality in patients who seemed chameleon-like. They could adapt or play the role demanded of them in specific situations, yet elsewhere—as in the analyst’s office—they had little sense of themselves and were thought to be internally disorganized and probably psychotic.15
Border to psychosis. The idea that borderline-type patients were psychotic continued in Hoch and Polatin’s description of the “pseudoneurotic schizophrenic,”16 a patient who appeared severely neurotic but was thought to employ many defenses and interpersonal styles to ward off a fundamental inner psychosis. Knight used the label “borderline states”17 to describe severely ill patients who were not frankly psychotic but fell within the realm of psychosis without qualifying for a diagnosis of schizophrenia. Knight was the first person to use the term “borderline” as a diagnostic entity, though simultaneously he argued against its use as a label because the term lacked precision.
Psychotic character. About the same time, Schmideberg characterized a group of patients whose emotional lability or affective reactivity seemed to be a consistent aspect of their clinical presentation. She believed this appearance of “stable instability”18 represented the patient’s characterologic adaptation to the world.
Frosch coined the term “psychotic character”19 that aptly captured both the characterologic and the border-to-psychosis aspects of these patients’ clinical picture. According to Frosch, these patients appeared to regress readily into psychotic thinking, yet they did not lose their ability to test reality.
Affective and emotional instability. Thus until the 1960s, the term borderline was applied primarily to patients who appeared to occupy the border between neurosis and psychosis but were thought to be closer to psychotic than neurotic. And this sitting close to the edge of psychosis appeared to be a stable condition.